Panwell Inn

Panwell Inn.  

From the Victoria & Albert Collection by Sir Charles Harcourt Chambers (1824-28)

 (click on image for larger version)

Recently a copy of a water colour by Sir Charles Harcourt Chambers of the Panwell Tavern from the Victoria and Albert Museum was posted on Facebook that caught my attention. Although not the finest or most historical of the millions of buildings in India it is one which generations of travellers from Bombay to Poona and the interior will have been familiar with.

My own great great and great great great grandfathers, Bombay Artillery Officers and their families must have known it well as the travelled up and down between Mumbai and Pune, because Panvel was the first stage or last stop on the journey.

Map showing the location of Panwell from Google Earth.

 (click on image for larger version)

Although Panwell (known) today as Panvel was only 21 miles as the Seagull flies, in 1817 it was a frontier town, and the East India Company only had limited control of the area. Captain James Barton by gt gt gt grandfather, appears to have been stationed in Bassein at this time, a little to the north. In late 1816 the Pindarees were raiding down the Ghats seizing silk. They were heading north. Did James see them pass the ramparts?

"The Bombay Courier says, that the communication between the Seroor and Poonah, and the latter place and Panwell, had for a fortnight been unsafe without a guard. ' "Numerous  Mahratta families have within these few days sought for refuge in the islands of Caranja and Salsette. The Principle object of the Pindarees in entering the Concan was to seize a large quantity of kincob (silks) which was exported from Bombay to Chowal for the interior. This they succeeded in. It is their intention to sweep  the coast as far as Surat." [1]

James Barton was tasked with cutting off access down the Ghats to the north. A more senior officer, Colonel Prother was sent with a column to attempt to drive the Mahrattas from the forts lining the crest of the Ghats to the south of the Poona Road. It was while I was researching these subsidiary campaigns, that I came across the following fascinating account of Panwell in a diary of an at present anonymous Bombay Artillery Officer in the British Library.

"Tuesday Jan 13. [1818] "Embarked along with Osborne [2] in a Bunder Boat having sent off the Detachment with Declezean [3] an hour before -- We came up with them about half way & arrived at Panwell about 1/2 past 4 the afternoon -- after disembarking the Detachment getting Baggage etc. on shore we dine along with Mr Walker the Officer of the port, at the Tavern -- This would pass for a very paltry inn in England, nevertheless we got a very excellent dinner at a pretty moderate charge from Don Lewis & he is very much deserves to be encouraged as such an Establishment at a place generally (inhabited?), is a very great convenience. We were all busily employed this day in getting the carts & gun carriage from the Boats, mounting guns & arranging stores. Employed partly as the day before, & also in cutting fuzes, & preparing everything for a march-- The draught cattle arrived and I received instructions to move on as soon as I was able-- In the evening rode out with the others -- Panwell is a considerable village lately ceded to us by the Peishwa chiefly inhabited by Musselmen, & one of the Chief Commercial inlets to the Deccan. Boats come up within half or a 1/4 of a mile of it but the landing place is bad-- there is plenty of water in Tanks, but not particularly good. I had a parade in the pro(?) with bullocks, & I did not intend to start until next day, as the whole of the cattle had not arrived; but about midday there arrived instructions to move that evening to Babenas, about half way on the road to Chouken -- My detachment consists of 1 Serg't & 46 rank & file, 3 Tindals & 36 Lascars, & Mr Walker the officer stationed at Panwell with 30 Sepoys was placed under my orders. I had under my charge 2, 6 pdrs, 2 mortars, 8 inch, light 5 inch howitzers with a considerable quantity of ammunition & Horses, about 350 bullock loads, & 6 carts -- We marched from Panwell a little before 4 in the evening." [4]

Just one month later in February 1818 George Fitzclarence, 1st Earl of Munster travelled down the Ghats in the opposite direction, and like our anonymous artillery officer approved of the food served in the inn. He had been in Poona, and had passed within sight of forts in the Ghats still held by hostile Mahrattas.

"I had gone through so much fatigue and personal exertion, that I was quite unwell when I reached the bottom; and, lying down in my palanquin, was taken up by the hummalls(the Persian word) as they here call the bearers of Calcutta, the cahars of Hindoostan, and the bhoeys of Madras and the Dekhun, and never opened my eyes till called by Colonel Osborne in a little hovel dignified by the name of an inn,at Panwell, the village at which officers generally land from Bombay on their route to the Dekhun. I found a boat belonging to the superintendant of the marine ready for me, and that the tide would answer at nine; and having dressed, and partaken of a splendid breakfast, I walked to the boat, which was very comfortable, and larger than the row boats on the Ganges. Panwell is situated on an inlet of the sea, which takes its name from the town; and, after a passage down of about ten miles, I reached the open harbour, of which the view was beautiful." [6]

The Earl of Munster has left a most interesting account of his travels that is available on Google Books, covering his entire journey across the war torn Mahratta districts. He was travelling with the HEIC forces engaged in the campaigns going on at the time, and is most interesting on the less military aspects of that campaign.

As so often in war, the disruption caused to civilians, gave diseases huge opportunities to develop and spread. Cholera is thought to have been present in the Indian population in a relatively mild form in the Deccan for several hundred years before 1817. At about this time it mutated into a far more dangerous disease. It got into the advancing HEIC army as well the population, killing far more soldiers and civilians than the war itself. Although there are few direct reports of refugees in British accounts, besides the fleeing Pindarees and Mahratta forces, it is highly probable that entire communities were also on the road fleeing the advancing HEIC forces. These people deprived of food and shelter, mixed with other nearby populations creating the ideal opportunity for Cholera to spread. An epidemic was soon underway that would eventually spread across the Middle East and reach as far as the industrial heartlands of the English Midlands where it would kill thousands of working families. Panwell was on one of the major routes from the war zone to the coast, and it not surprising that Cholera soon arrived in the district. In January 1819 readers of the Morning Chronicle will have read the following account of events in far away places, in their morning papers, little imagining that this outbreak would eventually reach as far away as London. The report is referring to events during the previous summer of 1817.

"Bombay. — A report of the Cholera Morbus having appeared at Panwell, reached the Presidency on Thursday, when a Medical Gentleman, with numerous assistants, was despatched to render the sufferers all the necessary aid, and to report on it; since which we have been informed, it has made its appearance in Bombay, though not attended with such violent symptoms as at other stations ; yet we understand that some deaths have occurred, We have, however, but little anxiety of its spreading to any degree, as measures have been taken by the Medical Board to ensure the most prompt assistance. Since the foregoing was written, we have been favoured with a perusal of a letter from Tannah, on the same subject, which mentions the casualties at Panwell as amounting to thirteen in all, among which is a Conductor of Stores, Mr.Llewellyn the Medical Gentleman who went from this to Panwell on Thursday, has we understand been fortunate in his practice, and the most beneficial results have already taken place from his exertions; the village of Bellapoor has been also visited by this malady, and a few casualties have occurred, but ample- supplies of medicine have been forwarded to that place and Tullijah. Connected with this subject we are sorry to state, that with a view to create alarm, in the Tannah district, some evil disposed persons had caused two Buffaloes to be painted in an extraordinary manner, and had sent them from village to village by means of the Haziree Bigaries, and the prevalent idea is that wherever these animals are gone, there the disease will follow; the Buffaloes have however been seized, and we are informed will be sold by public auction, and we treat the reward of 300 rupees that has been offered, will lead to the apprehension of the offenders. Our last letters from Poonah mention that this disease still continues in that city, and the deaths among the lower classes have been as many as thirty and forty a day.

Walter Hamilton writing in 1828, at about the time that Chambers had painted his watercolour was less charitable about Panwell inn.

"PANWELL.—A town in the province of Aurungabad, situated on the river Pan, to which the tide flows up several miles from the harbour; but during the prevalence of easterly winds, the passage to Bombay, from which it is distant twenty-one miles E., is tedious and uncertain; lat. 18° 59' N., Lon. 73° 15 E. This place is extensive, and being eligibly situated for business, carries on a considerable commerce, although it stands in the midst of a salt morass. Panwell is the grand ferry to Bombay, and contains the rare convenience of an inn,although not of the first quality.[8]"

The inn remained in use for many years. In 1840 it was recorded that a wedding took place of the widow of a former innkeeper.

"— At Bombay, Mr. Robert Maidment, to Helen, relict of the late Mr. J. W. Ward, inn-keeper at Panwell," [9]

In the same magazine it is recorded that the "HC Iron Steamer Satellite" was sailing to Panwell from Bombay. Perhaps this was a response to the delays formerly caused by the easterly winds. In 1847 it appears that a more formal and regular steamer route was being set up.

"The Bombay Steam Navigation Company has contracted with government to carry the Calcutta, Madras, and Deccan mails from Panwell, a distance of miles for £50. a mouth. Two light steamers are now being built on purpose at Bombay, and will, it is expected, be in operation by October."

Cholera remained at large in the Deccan for many years, although in a less virulent state than before. However from time to time it burst out with renewed strength. Outbreaks occurred in 1845 in Panwell and the surrounding districts, leading to fears that it would reach Bombay. The route from Panwell left the village through marshy tidal flats before climbing up into the Ghats. The Victoria & Albert collection includes a second watercolour by Chambers showing this road.

Panwell Bunder by Chambers.

By the 1840's the route down the Ghats was becoming increasingly important for commerce. Britain's steam driven cotton mills was importing many thousands of tonnes of cotton annually, and India was being overtaken as the main source of supply by America which grew better quality cotton, and which had better quality roads. Efforts were being made in increase production, and to improve the quality of cotton grown as far away as Dharwar. However the state of the roads was adding to the cost of the transport required to bring it to the coast.

Some of the readers of the Northampton Mercury on Saturday 7th of July 1849 will have read the following report: with interest -

"The East India Company took possession of the Western Dekkan on the overthrow of the Mahratta empire 1818, now thirty years ago. The extent of made road," says Mr. Williamson, " along the great trunk lines of communication does not (exclusive of cross roads) exceed 350 miles, and these are very ill furnished with cross lines of communication." This statement however, though adduced to prove the negligence of the ruling powers, is, truth, far too favorable, if by the term "made road" is to be understood, as in Europe, a road bridged, drained, and covered with broken stones, so as to be practicable throughout for wheel carriages at all seasons. For this is true of very little more than the seventy miles of road from Panwell to Poona, and even this is so bad that nobody travels upon it private carriage. Sir Thomas M'Mahon, when Commander-in-Chief, had his carriage rolled over an unguarded precipice and broken to pieces. The other roads are either without regular bridges or culverts, or are not covered with broken stone; and in no other country or presidency would they be dignified with the title of a road. The Poona, or Bhore road, and another of greater length, but not quite practicable throughout all seasons, over the Thul Ghaut, are the only two tolerable passages across the Western Ghauts, and they receive the produce of country 300 miles long by 250 broad. Wheel carriages can make their way on the Thul road without checks only during the fair season. By far the larger share of the traffic on both is carried on upon the backs of bullocks, ponies, and camels, but especially the former. The cotton stuffed into packs of about 125 1bs. each, and a pair of these form the load of a bullock. The animals travel in droves, from 100 to 1,000, or even more, under the conduct of the Brinjarries, to whom in many cases they belong, and in whose hands is the carrying trade of the country. Under ordinary circumstances, these Brinjarry bullocks pick up the cotton from the various villages at which it collected, traverse the open country, along routes regulated by the bargains made with the farmers of the transit duties, and often, therefore, very circuitous, until they reach the great cotton depots, or the trunk lines of the trackway, by which they descend the Ghauts, and discharge their loads at the sea-shore. This done, they either take return loads of piece goods, or other wares, or proceed to the Pans to to take salt. In fair weather, when forage and water are tolerably abundant, and the means of securing a return load easy, this mode of conveyance, though expensive and injurious to the cotton, is not ruinously so. It is, however, liable to, and frequently suffers, very serious disasters. Dr. Royle, judging from the results of the experimental cotton farms in Guzerat, the Dekkan, Khandeish, and Dharwar, established 1829, strongly of this opinion. The produce these farms, though Injured the cleansing, was worth from 6d 3/4. to 9d 1/2. per lb. The cotton harvest takes place in the interior somewhat earlier than near the sea. but everywhere the shortness of the period for ripening, conveying, and shipping the crop, is a serious evil. The wool does not reach the local market before February, and is not cleansed before April. It therefore work of difficulty to bring the crop into Bombay before the setting in of the rains early in June. The pack bullock does not travel,even when in motion, above six and a quarter miles a day, and from lameness or disease is often stopped for days together. From Kamgaon and Oomrawattee, the principal cotton marts, about sixty days are required to convey the crop to the sea. The hot season immediately precedes the monsoon. To avoid the latter, the bullocks are urged under heavy loads at their greatest speed, at a season when water and forage are least abundant, rather, are very scarce indeed, especially near the sea. The bullock is a slight animal, and quite incapable either of carrying an overload, or of travelling without proper supply of food and water. The droves descend the Ghauts in thousands, and even tens of thousands, drove after drove, pushing on through dense clouds of the minute volcanic dust of that district. The wells are few and low, made by the old Hindoo and Mussulman princes, and seldom repaired by us. At no season could they supply the wants of such numbers. The animals fall and die in scores from drought and fatigue, and their carcases are rolled to the road side. At first their loads are distributed over the others, but this resource soon fails; and after time the packs of cotton are rolled into the enclosure of some neighbouring village, there to take their chance of dirt, damp, or pillage, until the Brinjarries can return and take them up. The mortality of pack bullocks upon the Ghauts estimated at ten per cent, above that in the plain country, and near the salt pans it is much higher. Hundreds of their carcases," writes Mr. Fenwick are to be met with just previous to the monsoon, strewed along the paths they have traversed." When the droves are caught by the monsoon, the consequences are even more fatal. The trackways become heavy and impassable. The cotton absorbs moisture like a sponge, and, becoming double its usual weight, crushes the bullock to the ground. The produce is of course utterly spoiled. The enormous extent of this bullock traffic may be conceived from the fact, that a good cotton crop in the Oorarawattee districts alone, loads about 220,000 bullocks; of which about 20,000 find their way to Muzapoor to be conveyed by the Ganges to Calcutta —the remainder travel westward to Bombay. Some varieties ripen earlier than others ; and Dr. Royle is of opinion, that the crops in general might be brought forward by irrigation, so as to allow a longer time for the transit. But the grand remedy is a good road. The adventures of the cotton are not yet concluded. These two roads terminate, the Bhore upon Panwell, the Thul upon Kusseylee and Kolsette. Panwell is upon a tide river, which falls into Bombay harbour. The wind, during and for some time previous to the monsoon, blows steadily from Bombay; find the native boats (the unpressed cotton piled several feet above their decks) make the passage with great delay and damage from the wind and rain. Panwell is a wretched place, in which the cholera is frequently raging, and which offers little accommodation, either for shipping the cotton, or housing such of it as may arrive after the commencement of the monsoon. The terminations of the Thul road are upon a narrow arm of the sea, separating Salsette from the main land, and flowing into the top of Bombay harbour. [11]

 

 Panwell Mosque drawn circa 1809 by William Westall,

 and later engraved for the Naval Chronicle. 

In 1856 my great great grandfather marched down the Ghats from Poona with his comrades to take part in the Persian Expedition, and once more back up the route on his way to Ahmednugger in 1858 on his return to take part in the Indian Mutiny. 

Sadly, although but that time he had access to a camera, and took pictures of the head of the Ghats on his way to Poona, either the inn had gone, or it was no longer significant enough to justify making a picture of. 

Did he ever stop at the inn? 

Panvel today has become a commuter suburb of Mumbai, and a major town. The town plan appears to have been extensively redeveloped since 1817, so that I am unable to locate the old centre by inspection of Google Earth. Sadly I am unable to work out exactly where the inn was located, although presumably it was close to the main mosque that was such a feature of the village in early days. 

I would be very grateful if any body who lives in Panvel today can help me locate the site of the inn. I would also like to find out what the modern name of the following two places are Babenas, about half way on the road to Chouken" and where they are. 

I can be contacted on balmer.nicholas@gmail.com 

 I would like to acknowledge the assistance of Google Books, the British Newspaper Archive and the V&A without which this article could not have been written. 

[1] Exeter Flying Post Thursday 29 May 1817 

[2] Probably Henry Lowry Osborne, born 22 July 1797. Addiscombe 1813-14. Lieutenant Fireworker. 3rd September 1815, Lieutenant 1 September 1818. >Died 29 August 1819 at Bombay. Spring. 

[3] Probably Marcus Claudius Decluzean, b. 1 Jan. 1799.  Addiscombe 1814-1816, Lieutenant Fireworker 27 September 1817, Lieutenant 1st September 1818, Captain 28 September 1827, Married 13 Dec 1839. Retired 17th September 1850. Died 30 May 1881 at Baden. From Spring. 

[4]From British Library Asian Collection, MSS Eur C418 Diary of a Bombay Artillery Officer 1818 

[5] George Augustus Frederick Fitzclarence First Earl of Munster. George was born illegitimately on 29 January 1794. He was the son of King William IV and Dorothea Bland. He married Mary Wyndham in October 1819. He died on 20 March 1842 at age 48 having committed suicide. 

[6]Journal of a route across India, through Egypt, to England, in the latter ... By George Augustus Frederick Fitzclarence Munster (1st Earl of) 

[7] Morning Post Wednesday 06 January 1819 courtesy of the British Newspaper Archive. 

[8]The East Indian Gazetteer: Containing Particular Descriptions of ..., Volume 1. Walter Hamilton. 

[9] Leicester Journal Friday 06 August 1847 

[10] The Asiatic journal and monthly register for British and foreign ..., Volume 33 

[11] Northampton Mercury Saturday 7th of July 1849.

Sumbhulpore, Diamonds, Dacoits and Distress

Figure 1. Watercolour of the fort at Sambalpur in Orissa, by an anonymous artist for the Gilbert Collection, c. 1825. Inscribed on the front : 'The Fort of Sumbhulpore'; on the back: 'The Old Fort of Sumbhulpore.'

My good friend  Harshawardhan Nimkhedkar recently drew my attention to two beautiful water colours of Sumbhulpore in Orissa from the collection held by the British Library, which really appealed to me. Deciding to see if I could locate this town which I had never previously heard of, I discovered a series of fascinating accounts of events in and around this town which I have decided to post because these accounts vividly illustrate the lives of many of the lesser known middle ranking officials of the East India Company.

"On the following morning we crossed the Mahanuddy river at sunrise, and started for Sumbhulpore. The road for many miles ran through jungles, with lumps of quartz rock strewn about I have since thought that it was a very auriferous-looking place. Approaching Sumbhulpore, we passed through a fine upland country, clear of jungle, but with noble groves of mango, tamarind, banyan and palm trees, forming a scene like an English park. After travelling all night, we arrived at Sumbhulpore on the morning of the 25th December. The town is situated on the left bank of the Mahanuddy river, which " derives its source amongst the mountains of Gondwaneh." It pursues an extremely winding and devious course, which has never been accurately surveyed; even in the parts which are better known there are many errors. In Arrowsmith's map, the towns of Sooree, Narrain, Kurkurdah, and Chunderpore, to the northward of Sumbhulpore, are all placed from twenty to thirty miles distant from the left bank of the river; whereas I was informed by Mr. Babbington, who had resided several years at Sumbhulpore, and was well acquainted with the country, that they are all situated immediately on that bank. Ten miles above Sumbhulpore, the Eeb river, which takes its rise near Jushpoor, joins the Mahanuddy at Buggra. This river is noted for the gold and diamonds found in its bed. A short distance below Buggra there is a rapid in the Mahanuddy, and it is at this place that the diamonds are chiefly procured. In 1836, a large one of fine water was found. It is of a somewhat pyramidal shape, and about the size of a large walnut It is, or was, in the possession of the Rajah of Sumbhulpore. In fact, all the diamonds found in the rapid are his property. Below Sumbhulpore there are numerous other rapids, but it is from the Eeb river that the diamonds and gold are derived, as they are not met with at any of the rapids below the one near Buggra. Small particles of gold are indeed occasionally found in the sandy bed of the Mahanuddy at Cuttack, but they may probably have been washed down from the upper parts of the river.

At Sumbhulpore, the Mahanuddy is about a mile and a half wide in the rains. In the cold season, the bed of the river for several miles, both up and down the stream, presents a very singular appearance, being thickly strewn with masses of granitic rocks from six to ten feet high, and around these the water winds. In some places pools have formed, and in others low brushwood is found growing on the sands, thus giving to the river the appearance of a large lake studded with innumerable little islets. From Sumbhulpore, the Mahanuddy flows nearly due south to Sohnpore, a distance of about fifty-five miles. It then suddenly bends east by north, and after pursuing a tolerably straight course, terminates in the Bay of Bengal, due east from Sohnpore. In this course it receives numerous tributary streams, and gives off several branches, the "largest of which is the Kajoori, and it is in the bifurcation formed here that the town of Cuttack is situated." I may here mention, en passant, that the Kajoori river in the rains is about two miles wide at Cuttack, and in 1834 the waters rose twenty-six feet in one night This may appear incredible, but it is nevertheless a fact correct measurements having been made of the rise of the river.

To return to Sumbhulpore. My host was the postmaster, as well as a merchant, and with his wife and an

assistant were the only Europeans within a hundred miles of the place. The house was situated on the elevated left bank of the river, and overlooked the singular scene I have described. I also observed two ranges of hills running north and south. The hills on the western side were about a mile from the river, and those on the east about four miles distant.

In the evening, I drove out with my host, and by the road-side, within sight of his house, we passed three human heads, quite fresh, and stuck upon a pole one above the other. One head was that of a grey-bearded, savage looking old man; the other two were those of young men, about twenty or twenty-five years of aga It was with a feeling of horror I looked upon this barbarous sight, but my host spoke in the coolest manner imaginable about it, and informed me that they were the heads of three dacoits (robbers), forming part of a formidable band which had infested the country for a considerable time. The Rajahs of Boad, Sumbhulpore, and another neighbouring chief, with their united forces, surrounded the hill on which it was known that these desperadoes had fixed their residence, and, simultaneously advancing, captured the three men whose heads I saw elevated by the road-side. Many others of the gang escaped. After hearing this account I felt much more reconciled to the events seeing that I had advanced, and should be obliged to return, through the very district infested by these robbers; albeit these gentry rarely venture to attack Europeans, but they might make a mistake. Three days after my arrival at Sumbhulpore, the two men whom I had left at the Burmool Pass to look after the madman returned, and reported his death a few hours after my departure.

In my host's garden I found a few cocoa-nuts growing, which surprised me, as it is far beyond the influence of the sea-breeze. There, indeed, they were, and flourishing very well Vegetables in general thrive remarkably well I measured a brinjal (solatium melongena) fourteen and a half inches in circumference; a casuarina tree, planted four years ago, measured sixteen inches round the trunk, one yard from the ground.

Early on the morning of the 3rd of January I left Sumbhulpore, and arrived at Boad on the 5th . No fresh bearers were to be had for love or money; so, with a promise of ample backshish, I induced those whom I had brought from Sumbhulpore to proceed to Burmool Accordingly we left on the morning of the 6th, and when walking a-head of my palkee, as was my custom for ten or twelve miles, I saw a large splash of blood by the road-side, and the tall grass beaten down, as if the body of some large animal had been dragged through it I had no time to stop, but pushed on, speculating on the tragedy that had evidently been recently performed there. On the morning of the 8th, in passing through the Burmool Pass, and walking as usual a-head of my palkee, I perceived the fresh footprints of a large animal proceeding onwards. I took no notice, for fear of alarming my people, but kept a sharp look-out right and left After proceeding this way for a hundred yards or so, my servant who was behind me exclaimed, "Sahib, Sahib, bhag hy!"—"Sir, Sir, a tiger!"—and pointed to the footprints. I desired him not to say anything; but to give him confidence, I sent him to my palkee for a pair of pistols, one of which I gave to him, and advanced myself, sometimes' treading in the footprints of the tiger. The impressions which they made in the sandy path, wet with the morning dew, were nearly, if not quite, as large as a moderate sized cheese plate. This may appear exaggeration, but it is not so; and any one who has seen the footprints of a large tiger would corroborate this statement Our pistols would have been of little use in an encounter, for if the tiger had been lurking on either hand, we could not possibly have seen him, by reason of the jungle and rocks, until he had sprung upon us. By and by, all the people saw the dreaded footmarks, and stopped. I persuaded them, however, to go on, and to keep close together, I, of course, leading the way; and so we went on for perhaps a quarter of a mile further, when we came upon the site of a catastrophe. In the middle of the path lay a couple of small baskets, such as the natives carry on their heads, and a few cowrie shells were strewn about —this was all We saw no more footprints; the bearer of the baskets and cowries had evidently been swept from the path. A short distance further on we found some natives sitting on the ground and lamenting one of their companions, who, they said, had just been carried off by a tiger, in the place where we found the baskets. I must confess that we breathed more freely after hearing this, as there was less chance of the tiger wanting any of us to break his last on. The deed was done, and we could not help it, so pushed on, and soon arrived at Burmool where I procured a boat, and, after rewarding my bearers, embarked with my two servants, and dropped down the Mahanuddy to Kontillo, where I found my tents; and I never felt so heartily glad in all my life as I did then, in feeling that I was, as it were, at home again, and once more within reach of civilized society."

[From Stray Leaves from the Diary of an Indian Officer, published in 1865 in London, page 134.]

Figure 2. Lieut.-Colonel W.R. Gilbert's bungalow at Sambalpur (Orissa).

It is very interesting to compare the picture [figure 2] with Google Earth images of Sambalpur.

There are two rivers which meet at Sambalpur, the larger one is the Mahanadi River, which is a very wide river with banks about 1.2 km apart. It appears that during the monsoon season the river fills the channel from bank to bank, however at other drier periods of the year, the water drops until it fills two low water flow channels, which are each about 200 metres wide.

By inspection of the Mahanadi river on GE it appears that there is a major sets of rapids that could be the ones shown in the painting.  Drying the dry season the flows over these rapids are so reduced that the rocks are exposed to view.

In line with the rapids on the north bank are a concentration of three municiple buildings.  One of which may well be the building shown in the painting.

I think this bungalow must have stood at a location near 21 degrees 27' 36.62"N 83 degrees 58' 25.02" E where there is a slight raised bit of land that appears to have become the administrative centre of the town a little way out of the centre. I wonder if this administrative centre originally grew up around the Collectors bungalow?

Figure 3.  Sambalpur showing the river and the rapids, and there relation to the possible house site.

Figure 4.  A close up of the house that may be Lieut.-Colonel W.R. Gilbert's bungalow.

Does anybody who reads this blog live close enough to Sambalpur to be able to visit the site and to take pictures of the building?

It appears that the building would no longer have such good views of the river, as the town has grown to surround it, during the intervening years.

 

Figure 3. Location of Sambalpur or Sumbhulpore

Just how tough life could be for European's, and how remote they were from fellow European's is illustrated by the following extract from missionaries who were attempting to set up in the town in the 1850's.

"Sumbhulpore, a native tributary state, lying on the Mahanadi River, two hundred and fifty miles above Cuttack, was at first selected. After a tedious journey up the river, in native boats, which... occupied them nearly a month, a portion of which time was spent in preaching, and distributing Scriptures and tracts among the villages on its banks, they arrived at their station. .

The town of Sumbhulpore, the capital of a district of the same name, and the residence of the raja, is an important town, of some fifteen thousand inhabitants, and is situated in the midst of a populous country. They found but one European family residing there, but they showed them every possible kindness, and rendered them every assistance in their power. Several months were spent in erecting their houses, and in preparing for a permanent location.

They preached and distributed books as extensively as they were able, and there laid the foundation for our boarding-school system. Six starving children were given them by their parents or relatives, and with them our school commenced. Ere they had become settled in their new abodes, they were one by one prostrated by disease. An Indian fever, without medical treatment, and without nursing, is a formidable foe. Our brethren were their own doctors; and, ill as they were, to a considerable extent their own nurses. Few of the comforts of life surrounded them, and their hastily-constructed houses were not sufficient to shelter them from the scorching heat. Strange faces were about them; but sympathizing friends to care for them, anticipate their wants, and relieve them, there were none. Mr. Noyes on one occasion deeming it necessary to be bled, his wife was called up from her sick bed to perform the operation. For a time they were both prostrated together, while groan answered to groan. And, after consigning a beloved child to the grave, and having themselves been brought to death's door, they regained sufficient strength to admit of their being placed on board a boat, and floated down to Cuttack."

From "Hinduism and Christianity in Orissa: Containing a Brief Description of the ... By Otis Robinson Bacheler, page 127.  

I can be contacted directly on balmer.nicholas@gmail.com

Captain's Carpenter column moves inland, 1783

Figure 1. Exterior of Mirjan Fort.

The forces from Bombay, were quickly reinforced by a brigade brought up from Ponnani on the Malabar Coast where they had narrowly escaped defeat by Tipu Sultan's forces, after a disastrous expedition to Palghat.

Carpenter calculated that  

"the troops already assembled, under Gen. Matthews, I may, I think, venture to state, that the whole amount of force employed on this occasion, in the invasion of Kanara, did not exceed, at the utmost, 5,800 men; of whom scarcely 1,200 were European soldiers." [1]

General Matthews then determined to attack Mirjan Fort which lay up river along the route that would have to be taken to Compta (or Kumta as it is currently known.) and on to Onore.

 

Figure 2. Map showing the location of Mirjan Fort,

which threatened the flank of the General's army should it wish

to march to Onore which was situated south of Kumta,

which lay on the route the troops would have to take. 

[Please click on image for larger version.]

The attack on Mirjan started off rather inauspiciously for the East India Company force, however it was quickly realised that the garrison in the fort at Mirjan was not able or willing to put up any significant resistance.

"The arrival of this powerful addition to our force, seems to have determined the General to employ a part of the troops in an immediate attack on Merjee, which looked so invitingly down the river, at the distance of about four or five miles. The division destined for this under Col. Mc'Leod, was accordingly embarked on the river; Lieut. Ross, with whom I became now for the first time acquainted, and myself, with a detachment from the second batt. being ordered on dutv with this force.

We had, however, scarcely entered our boats, when having, for some reason or other, abandoned this design for the present, the General countermanded his orders, and we re-landed.

It is, however, to be acknowledged, that in this change of plan, Gen. Matthews acted with the soundest discretion; since it is sufficiently obvious that by a waste of time, which might have been incurred in attacking a place of such minor importance, the paramount object of the expedition would have been exposed to the hazard of defeat. It is probable that he therefore determined to establish a more centrical, and more eligible basis for his operations, by the reduction of Onore.

Not many nights preceeding, a body of the enemy supposed to belong to the garrison of that place, had made their appearance in the cocoa-nut tope or grove, immediately under the fortified post, at Compta; which I have already mentioned to have been occupied by Capt. Lampard and his corps of grenadiers. With a caution which exposed him to ridicule, that officer, instead of attacking these undisciplined irregulars, chose to cram his whole batt. about four hundred strong, into a work where there was hardly standing room for the men. The enemy deriving courage from this unusual proof of deference, became, as was to be expected, more daring and insolent; although they immediately withdrew on the appearance of the reinforcement, which was hastening to the relief of the post."

Figure 3. Compta or Kumpta today. 

[Please click on image for larger version.][2]

While it is not possible to be certain where Captain Lampard and his grenadiers had built their fortified post. However Google Earth shows that today Kumpta stands on top of a kidney shaped ridge, some 20 to 25 metres higher than the surrounding fields and plantations. It is very probable that this ridge was the scene of the post and Lampard's humiliation.

Figure 4. Kumta today from Google Earth showing the

kidney shaped ridge that was probably the site

of Captain Lampard's post.

[Please click on image for larger version.]

"Whether this circumstance might not have had some influence in drawing the attention of the General more immediately to that quarter, I cannot pretend to say. But the whole united force was shortly afterwards in full march for Onore; Capt. Carpenter's batt. the old second, to which I was attached, or the greater part of it, being left to protect the stores and other equipments, that remained at Rajamandroog."

[3]

General Matthew's main force moved off to Onore (known today as Honavar.), approximately 15 miles to the south, where he and his force set about besieging the town. Captain Carpenter's force was set the task of acting as a covering force, moving towards the west and the foothills of the ghats.

"To our unfeigned satisfaction, our confinement at Rajamandroog was now to terminate. Our commandant having received orders, from head quarters, to proceed with his batt. into the districts within land of Onore to the eastward; for the purpose of repelling any attempt that might be made by the enemy in that direction. We marched accordingly in the direction indicated to us; our corps becoming thus a moving column of observation; acting about sixteen or eighteen miles to the eastward of Onore, and in the direct road as we afterwards found to the Bilghy gauht."

The position this column took cannot be determined exactly, but it is very likely that it was on the line of the modern road from Kumta heading inland towards Siddapura. The road traverses the Bilgi Ghat which rises to about 540 metres in about 2 miles as the Crow flies, although many more by actual twists and turns of the road.

Figure 5. Google Earth Image showing the location of the

Bilgie Ghat. It is probable that Carpenter's force was

stationed in the plain at the toe of the Ghat.

"I am disposed to think, that the corps with Capt. Carpenter at this period, after deducting the men detached, could not have mustered more than three hundred firelocks; one-half of which, however, were veteran grenadiers, inured to service.

To these latter, under Lieuts. Hodges and Weldon, I was now attached. The officers present were—Capt. Carpenter, Lieuts. Hodges, Weldon, Fyfe and Lawrence, Ensigns Morris, Lonsdale, and myself. Lieut. Ross must have been left in command at Rajamandroog."

As so often was the case with 18th Century armies, the column had little or no logistical support, and was expected to forage for it's own rations.  

Lieutenant's Weldon and Price troops were engaged in plundering stocks of rice from one unfortunate village when they came under attack. It is not clear if the attackers were infuriated villagers, or part of a relief force heading towards Onore in support of that towns resistance to East India Company attack. 

"Be this as it may, Lieut.Weldon and myself, with part of the grenadiers, were one day on the advanced guard, in front of an obscure hamlet, called Moordnulla, no longer perhaps in existence; and as we held the commissariat in our own hands, the sepoys were engaged in thrashing rice from the straw, which lay stacked about the villages; being at the time the only source from which we derived our subsistence. There was in front, a rice ground, about a hundred and fifty or two hundred yards over; skirted on the other side by a pretty thick wood of forest trees; and we had on our left, a shallow and transparent river, running over a bed of rock and gravel; and, I am inclined to think, the same river that runs by the fort of Merjee to Rajamandroog."

Figure 6. A modern photo taken by trekker's showing

the river near Kumta, with the ghats in the background.

Although it is impossible to be sure if it is the same 

location described, it gives a very good idea of the
type of territory the column was operating in.

"We had a small advanced party in the outskirts of the wood in our front; and it might have been about one or two in the afternoon, when some musket shot from the wood rendered it necessary that our sepoys should relinquish their employment of threshing, and betake themselves to their arms. In the meantime, I was sent forward by Lieut. Weldon, to bring off our party from the wood. While I was calling in the sentries, several shot were fired at us; and the sepoy orderly who attended me, received a dangerous wound between the thighs, which lamed him for life. I was observing their movements of the few matchlock men that made their appearance squatting among the trees, when a shot struck one of the trees by which I was standing; and a splinter grazed the corner of my eye; without, however, any great injury. I thought it, nevertheless, rather a narrow escape—and I now withdrew the party, and regained the advanced guard, which stood to their arms coolly, awaiting the attack. As the enemy gave no further indication of their presence, they must have immediately retired. And this was probably nothing more than what, in magniloquent terms, might be called a reconnaissance, to discover our force and position.

With that decision which marked his character, Capt. Carpenter, at the head of the main body of our diminutive force, immediately advanced to our support; and as if to demonstrate our readiness to accept the challenge, we all together entered the wood in our front: and having pushed through to the opposite side and some distance beyond, without discovering any vestige of the enemy, we took up our ground for the day."[4]

The small column now decided to advance up the ghats. This must have been a daunting task as they faced a steep climb in the dark up a twisting mountain path, that they had never seen or marched up before. The path would be lined on both sides with dense forest. Today the area is very popular with trekkers and wildlife tourists.

"At our evening parade of the same day, Lieuts. Hodges and Weldon received orders to march with both companies of grenadiers, immediately after night-fall, for the purpose of attacking the enemy— now known to have taken post in some strength, in the Bilghy gauht (or ghat—or pass of the mountains) at the distance of about twelve or fourteen miles. Immediately after dusk, accordingly, we set off; and having continued our march during the greater part of the night, about three in the morning, or at all events some time before day-break, we began to ascend the pass—not without considerable difficulty, in preserving the connection of our files in the darkness, and through the ruggedness of the road.

At last, without meeting with any other obstacle, we came to a gateway defended by a tower, with guns on each flank; which we immediately assailed. Lieut. Weldon being lifted up by myself into one of the embrasures, while I pushed myself round the flank and came upon the rear ;—the enemy making off with great precipitation. Seizing a Frenchman, who had been posted here to manage the guns, I held him up in my arms to remove the gate fastenings, which were otherwise above our reach; and the gate being thus thrown open, the sepoys entered without difficulty. We now hastened forwards; and at a short distance further up the pass, came upon a second gateway, fortified in the same manner with the first. This was also immediately attacked and carried, after a very slight resistance."

Figure 7.  The head of the Bilgi Ghat. Even today, and without a tower

commanded by a solitary Frenchman in residence, it is a stiff climb

"On this occasion, having warded off the push of a spear from under the eaves, which had nearly taken my eye, I ascended the tiled roof of the gateway; and the ground rising abruptly in the rear, I jumped down, as it happened, without injury.

Day was now breaking, and we continued to advance to a considerable distance, perhaps more than a mile, beyond the summit of the pass; until we came to the enemy's bazaar, which we found abundantly furnished with every thing we could desire for the supply of our brave and faithful sepoys. All this was accomplished, as far as I am able to recollect, without a single casualty; which, considering how strongly fortified and armed these gateways were found to be, could not have been the case, unless the enemy had been completely panic stricken."

Following the fall of Onore, General Matthews had marched inland to Bednur using a route that ran to the south of the Bilgie Ghat route. His success in marching inland may have diverted attention away from the route Captain Carpenter's force was taking. Unfortunately Matthews was over stretching himself and disaster would follow.

Meanwhile Captain Carpenter's detachment found itself in what sounds to have been a very pleasant and hitherto untouched settlement. As so often in war, the arrival of troops resulted in a disaster for the inhabitants, who after a brief resistance, took to the nearby hills, forced to look on in horror as their town was ransacked for food and valuables.

"In the course of the two following days, Capt. Carpenter joined with the remainder of the detachment; and we had by this time learnt, that the town of Bilghy, the capital of the district, lay at the distance of about twelve or fourteen miles to the eastward of the pass, of which we had so fortunately obtained possession. On the night of the third, or at latest of the fourth day, after such possession, the whole detachment was on the march to attack the town. We encountered neither obstacle nor interruption until a little before day-light; when a small guard at a sort of barrier gate at the entrance of the place, discharged their matchlocks at us; but immediately making off, left us an unmolested passage.

When day-light came, the town being completely evacuated by the inhabitants, we took possession of the palace of the Rajah; a spacious mansion at the eastern extremity of the long street, of which the town of Bilghy is principally composed; and we found it stored to profusion, with the richest stuffs, shawls, sauries, and other splendid articles of dress; which, at a proper market, might have been disposed of at considerable value. We afterwards learned, to our regret, that all this was the property of the Rajah, said to be favourably disposed towards the British government. Of all, however, we had, without ceremony, taken possession; making on the spot a fair and equitable distribution of the property. There were, however, other articles of considerable value, which we could not so conveniently dispose of; in particular, an extensive assortment of brass and copper ware of every variety, to the value of thirty or forty thousand rupees, which we were constrained to leave untouched.

It may be needless to observe that our operations required despatch, as the enemy must have been in superior force close at hand; and there was full in our view to the eastward, at the distance of not more than eight or nine miles, a respectable looking hill fort, to which our information assigned the name of Goopty. Indeed we must reasonably have expected, considering the paucity of our numbers, that our retreat to the gauht would not be accomplished without molestation.

Having therefore passed the day and the ensuing night, in, and about, the palace of Bilghy, we were assembled about four in the morning round a blazing fire, in the square of the palace; when a jassous or courier, entered, and delivered a note into Capt. Carpenter's hand. The note was from Gen. Matthews himself; announcing the triumphant intelligence, that he was in possession of the ancient and opulent metropolis of Bednour."[5]

The enthusiasm with which this most welcome intelligence was hailed, may be easily conceived— nor shall I ever forget the joy, amounting almost to extacy, with which the sepoys passed to each other the triumphant word "Nuggar lear—Nuggar is fallen."* This gratifying information must then have been received by us about the 31st January, 1783; as Gen. Matthews is known, from his own letters, to have entered Bednour, at the invitation of Ayauz Saheb (usually called Hyat Saheb) on the 29th of that month. The General's note conveyed at the same time an order, that our small force should proceed immediately to the northward, for the reduction of the enemy's forts and districts, north of the river of Merjee. The resolution to withdraw from our present position, which had been taken prior to this information, was thus confirmed or enforced, by the instructions of our Commander-in-Chief.

Figure 8. Bilgie Village.

You get the sense that David Price and the other members of the column found a rather special village at Bilghie, and one that was different to the many others they had visited in their campaigns. Sadly they were like to pillage the village like many other generations of soldiers before and since them.

"I have perfect recollection of the singular cleanness exhibited in every part of the very pleasing little town of Bilghy. The small verandah, in front of every house, was the very pattern of neatness and purity; and I do not bear in mind the image of any place that, in this respect, I can venture to compare with Bilghy as it then stood; unless it be the neat and well ordered weaving town of Gohkauk, below the fall of the river Gutpoorba. It was, however, a complete solitude: for, during the day and night which we remained there, we did not see a single living being, ourselves excepted, in the shape of an inhabitant."

The poor inhabitants watching on from the nearby hills, must have been very pleased to see them leaving for the coast.

It is not possible from the Google Earth images to readily identify the Raja's Palace. Has anybody ever visited Bilgie?

If you live in the area, I would be fascinated to see pictures of the village, and especially any of the older houses. Do they still have verandas?

[1] David Price. Memoirs of the early life and service of a field officer, page 68.
[2] Photo taken by Natasha Chanda Acharga, posted on the IndiaMike website. 
[3] David Price. Memoirs of the early life...
[4] David Price. Memoirs of the early life...
[5] David Price. Memoirs of the early life.page 76.

Captain Little's Detachment & the Fort of Jaigarh [or Jaigur] 1790

Figure 1. Jaigad Fort. Showing one of the surviving towers.
Click on image for larger version. [1]

If like me you enjoy reading dusty old books filled with tales of long ago, one of the greatest pleasures of recent years has been the ability to actually visit those places from the comfort of my own study.

It is now possible to visualise the places that these events actually took place in. No longer are we limited to black and white illustrations and tiny maps.

With many books now readily available on Google Books for the first time, and with the internet becoming readily available in India, many people are beginning to visit the places described in these books, and it is becoming possible to trace the routes of some of the many expeditions described so vividly in these old books.

It is surprising just how many of the places and locations can still be found to have remains that witnessed those events so long ago.

The following blog is based around my research into the route that was followed by Captain Little's Detachment in 1790. A fascinating account of this long forgotten expedition was written by Edward Moor, (1771-1848) one of the officers who accompanied this detachment. It is called "A narrative of the operations of captain Little's detachment"[2]

The first troops under Captain Little, consisting of the 800 men from both the 8th, and 11th Bombay Native Infantry, supported by one company of European, and two companies of Native Artillery equipped with six 6 pounder guns, left Bombay on the 23rd May 1790 and sailed south to Jaigur [3]

Amongst the officers who went in the first detachment before Captain Little was his good friend and colleague Lieutenant David Price. Price has left a particularly good record of this expedition.

The mobilisation of the first detachment and its departure from Bombay are described below.

"About that period, a detachment having been ordered to hold itself in readiness, under the command of Capt. Little, to join a Mahratta force, destined to operate against the northern part of Tippoo Sultaun's dominions, and finding that our battalion the ninth, was not to form a part of this detachment; on the contrary, that a junior corps, the eleventh, had received the preference; I applied to be removed to Capt. Little's battalion the 8th. and succeeded in my application. My friends Boden and Foster joined the eighth at the same time.

The detachment was composed of a company of European artillery, under Capt. now Col. Thompson, with Lieuts.West and Ireland; and of the eighth and eleventh, batts- of native infantry, each completed to eight hundred rank and file; with six six-pounder field pieces: constituting, altogether, a force of about 1700 strong. It cannot fail to be remarked, that on this, and many other occasions, the functions of a Brigadier were discharged by a Captain of infantry. 

On Monday, the 24th of May, 1790, with the fourth company of the eighth batt. I embarked from the pier-head, at Bombay, on board of a batella, named the Ruparel, which seems to have been a favorite appellation with this description of craft. Our expedition commenced with sorrow; for while the embarkation was going on, the tolling of the church bell, announced to us, the funeral of a very amiable and interesting young woman; the dearly beloved, and recently departed, wife of our gallant commander—Little—whose feelings at such a crisis, may be easier conceived than described.

At seven in the morning, we weighed anchor, by signal from the Wolf gallivat; and, in company with the other vessels which conveyed the detachment, stood to sea; and having cleared the entrance of the harbour, directed our course to the southward. On the 25th of May, we were off Jinjerah; recently described as among the last of the remaining possessions of the Siddees; at one time of considerable note on the coast, and in the Dehkan. At twelve o'clock, the breeze became fresh and fair, and we passed fort Victoria in the course of the afternoon. A ship was observed proceeding to the northward; and at midnight we came to anchor by signal from the Wolf— our Commandant being on board that vessel. [4]

The expedition was intended to support a Mahratta force under Putseram Bhow which was going to attack Tipu Sultan's Mysore. The East India Company was under threat from Tipu, as were his other neighbours the Nizam of Hyderabad, and the Mahrattas.

The East India Company hoped to reduce Tipu's numerical superiority by forming a coalition with the Nizam and the Mahrattas, and to thereby be able to threaten Tipu's borders from all sides.

It seems extraordinary today how such small forces could be projected over such long distances, and into parts of India which were so little known by the English at this time.

Even today this area is little frequented, and has relatively poor communications.

First the expedition sailed 180 miles south from Bombay to Jaigur. Then it sailed perhaps another 50 miles up the river from Jaigur, to cover the 25 miles, the Crow would have flown.

The troops then disembarked and started to march overland covering 275 miles in a relatively straight line to Dharwad, but which was probably much further on foot for the poor Sepoys and camp followers.

The first force arrived in late May 1790 in time to be caught in the onset of the Monsoon rains.

Moor's description of this first detachment is quite brief.[5]

A second contingent was sent down the coast as reinforcements after the Monsoon had blown out. The arrival this second detachment under the command of Colonel Frederick, that had departed from Bombay on the 19th of November 1790, is described in more detail by Moor who was present with this fleet.

"The fleet of boats, with the Intrepid, anchored in the bay, formed by the entrance of Jaigur river, on the 21 st of November, and saluted the fort with five guns, to which one was returned. The entrance to this river is defended by forts on each side, considerably elevated under the southern one of which it is necessary to pass, and which would, were they in repair, be a sufficient defence. A wall of communication is carried up the side of the hill to the southern fort, from a battery of eleven embrasures on a level with the water, which, like the other fortifications, are in very bad repair. The bay will shelter small vessels from the violence of the south-west monsoon, but has not sufficient water to admit any of considerable draft, there being but two and a half fathoms on the bar at three quarters ebb, and the Intrepid grounded at low water. Lieutenant M'Luer says, there are eight fathoms near the fort, which he calls Zyghur, and observed it to be in latitude; 17°. 16'. N. " [6]

From Figure 2 below, it is easy to see how the fort dominated the river entrance.

Figure 2. Google Earth Image showing the entrance
to the Jaigad River. Click on image for a larger version.
The white bar at the left of the image is 1 mile long.

Most of the Fort survives much as it must have looked in 1790. Sadly this magnificent lonely spot is currently being redeveloped as the site of a port for a coal jetty for a 1200 MWe Coal fired power station.

Figure 3. Google Earth Image showing the fort as well as the lower batteries
along the Jaigad River, as well as the surviving connecting walls. 
The white scale bar measures 100 metres.
Click on image for a larger version.

The local Mahratta commander of the fort must have had a commanding view out to sea. It is just possible to make out the headland to the north around which Captain Pickett brought his small fleet of Country vessels containing the reinforcements for the force besieging Dharwad.

Figure 4. Photo showing one of the Fort Towers looking out to sea.
Click on image for larger version.[7]

The small port can be seen below.

Figure 5. Photo showing the small port looking out to sea.
Click on image for larger version. [8]

The arrival of the first detachment is best described by Lieutenant David Price.

"On Wednesday, the 26th of May, at five in the morning, we weighed anchor; and soon after perceived that we had left Sevendroog to the northward. At nine o'clock we were off Gopalgurr, commonly called Dabul. At noon, or shortly afterwards, the breeze continuing auspiciously favourable, we rounded Cape Z ; and about two in the afternoon we entered Jygurr, or Zygurr, river, anchoring abreast of the fort. At this moment a boat passed to the shore from the Wolf; and soon returning on board, the signal was made for proceeding up the river. We now received a pilot on board, weighed anchor, and crossed the bar, about five o'clock—the channel lying close to the south bank. Both banks of the river wild, hilly and inhospitable, in appearance; but beautifully wooded to the water's edge. Winding in its course to right and left, every few hundred yards, and as smooth and transparent as a mirror, the river itself was as beautiful as it was romantic ; and this, with the gilding of hope fresh upon our minds, rendered our inland voyage indescribably delightful. About nine o'clock, the tide having turned, we came to an anchor; by the pilot's account about four kutcha, or short, kosse, or about five miles from the entrance of the river. We had observed a few solitary hovels, in the recesses on either side.

On the 27th of May, we weighed at day-light; and gliding upwards with the tide, the surface of the river continued unruffled and transparent as crystal; while the alternate receding and overlopping of the wooded banks, exhibited the appearance of a chain of lakes. Nothing could be more enchanting than the varied scenery which we surveyed during this short passage. The banks as we advanced upwards, began to exhibit marks of cultivation, as they lost their mountainous character, and became more level." [9]

Figure 6. Photo showing the headland on the northern side of the estuary near the spot in Figure 2, labelled Possible Site of Second Battery.
Click on image for larger version.[10]

The following sailing directions published in 1820 by Hamilton, based on the surveys carried out by Lieutenant Dominicetti, of the Bombay Marine, who was based at Fort Victoria through the Mahratta War of 1817 to 1818, describe the port in more detail.

"Zyghur (or Jaighur).—A sea-port on the sea coast of the Concan, 123 miles S. by E. from Bombay. Lat. 17° 14' N. long. 73° 23' E, The two points that form the entrance of Zyghur bay are about five miles distant, and it is about two miles and a half deep. The entrance of the river is about three quarters of a mile broad, with three fathoms and a half depth, at the least. The channel is navigable for a considerable way inland, and has a large town on the south side about 13 miles above the fort. There is no town at the mouth of the river, but there are several straggling villages on both sides. There is plenty of good water in the upper fort, and at some of the adjacent villages, but in the lower fort, and near the usual landing place, the water is brackish. In most respects the river is as safe and commodious as that of Viziadroog, only a little more caution is requisite while entering. At the entrance of both, the water is usually quite smooth during the S. W. monsoon; and inside, vessels of any draught of water may lie completely sheltered at all seasons of the year.—(Lieutenant Dominicette, etc.)"[11]

Edward Moor goes on to describe the journey up the river.

Figure 7. The River Mouth, showing the bar at the entrance.

The first detachment anchored at Noon on the 27th May and commenced landing. It is not possible to be sure where thus is, except that it was on the south bank of the river.

Moor and his party landed at a place called Cadona, and it may well have been the same place David Price describes. Here's Moor's description of the landings.

"The boats continued on the river, dropping down with the tide, until the 26th, when the troops disembarked near Cadona, a small village, and marched five miles to Sungumseer, the same encampment formerly occupied by Captain Little. Cadona, where we disembarked, is not, we conjecture, more than twenty-five miles from Jaigur, although much more by water, from the river having so many turns among hills, which generally rife abruptly near its banks, and are chiefly covered with wood. Many villages, and some cultivation are seen, when the hills discontinuing allow any extensive prospect." [12]

Figure 8. The Jaigad River approximately 16 miles
from the coast as the Crow flies. Perhaps 25 to 30 miles by boat.[13]

David Price describes Captain Little's detachments next stage on the march as follows.

"We anchored at noon; and the rest of the boats gradually arriving, did the same. We now landed, and proceeding on board the Wolf, we there found that Capt. Little had just returned from an interview with some of the native authorities up the river; and we received orders to disembark immediately, on the south side. Our landing appears to have been attended with some difficulty which is not explained. About five in the afternoon, Lieut. Ross, our brigade major, and myself, with the disembarked men of the eighth batt. marched after Lieut. Boden, who had proceeded with his division to the ground marked out for our halting place.

During our short march, we experienced a violent thunder storm, with heavy rain; and reached our ground at dusk in the evening, completely drenched. We found our friend Boden with his division, attended by a Brahmin, said to have been the Killadaur, or military governor of Retnagheriah. Capt. M.c. Donald's batt. the eleventh, dropped in by degrees in our rear. We were accommodated in a set of chuppers, pendals, or leaf-roofed huts; formed for our reception, of the green-leafed branches of trees, which the neighbouring woods furnished in abundance. Our temporary cantonment had its rear in a bend of the river; with our right flank towards the gauht, stated to be at the distance of two days' march to the south-east.

On the 28th May, the guns and stores were gradually coming in; and we continued stationary on our ground, which we now understood to be near a village called Sungmiser, or Sungumiswara, the "confluence of Iswara." It was here that I first pitched my raouty, a description of tent, with dwarf walls, and no fly. At ten o'clock at night, Lieut. Boden with his company was sent forward to ascend the Ambah gauht, in order to protect the ammunition and stores, which proceeded at the same time. The guns and tumbrels were all brought up during the day and night.

On Sunday, the 30th of May, still stationary: sending off" stores and provisions. The guns and tumbrels moved forwards at ten o'clock at night, during which we had much lightning and some rain.

On the 31st of May, we continued on our ground, expecting however to march on the morrow; the stores and other equipments having now been all sent forward. We had thunder and rain, and every symptom of an approaching monsoon, during the former part of the night. Capt. Thompson marched, notwithstanding, with the artillery.

On the 1st of June, the morning was fair and pleasant. At six o'clock, Lieut. Heath marched with part of the eleventh battalion." [14]

From the above detailed descriptions, it is possible to develop a map setting out the likely route of the detachments. To do this I have used an American military map produced in the 1950's. It was probably developed from earlier British military mapping.

Figure 9. Probable routes followed by the two detachments
of East India Company Troops in May and October 1791 to the Amba Ghat. Please Click on image for a larger version. [15]

Figure 10. Probable site of the camp at Candona. In the 1950's a village named as Kondya on the US Military maps was located here, and inspection of Google images suggest that very few other suitable sites are as readily accessible on the south bank for boats.

In my next installment I will follow Captain Little's detachment up over the Amba Ghaut [Ambaghat] and onto Darwar [Dharwad]

If you come from the area mentioned in this blog I would really like to hear from you.

From my other research in Thalaserry and Cuddalore, I am aware that there are many Indian's with proud heritages that go back to events two hundred years ago. Did your family march with the Mahrattas to Darwar and Seringapatam?

If you have photos of any of the locations mentioned, I would be fascinated to receive copies.

My email address is balmer.nicholas@gmail.com

[1] Photo from http://www.panoramio.com/photo/8881047, by Kiran Patre.

[2] Edward Moor, "A narrative of the operations of captain Little's detachment," available at http://books.google.com/books?id=tEoOAAAAQAAJ&lr=&pg=PA10#v=onepage&q=&f=false

[3] Jaigur River is the spelling used by Edward Moor in 1790. These days it is spelt Jaigad, or sometimes Jaygad.

[4]David Price. Memoirs of the early life and service of a field officer. Published 1839. Page 180.

[5] Edward Moor, A narrative of the operations of captain Little's detachment, page 2.

[6] Edward Moor, A narrative of the operations of captain Little's detachment, page 10 & 11.

[7] Photo by Exploredy from http://www.panoramio.com/photo/8881047

[8] Photo by Toufique Shaikh.http://www.panoramio.com/photo/26101926

[9] David Price.Memoirs, Page 180 & 181.

[10] Photo by Phynex. http://www.panoramio.com/photo/24624233

[11] Walter Hamilton. A geographical, statistical, and historical description of Hindostan. Volume 2. Published 1820. Page 214.

[12] Edward Moor, A narrative of the operations of captain Little's detachment, page 10 & 11.

[13] Photo by Harshsurve. http://www.panoramio.com/photo/9733189

[14] David Price. Memoirs, Page 181 & 182.

[15] Map draw from 1950's American Military Maps available from http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/ams/india/