Ahmadabad, tigers and narrow scrapes

 Tiger hunting from elephants

As a small child my great aunt would delight in telling me stories about my great great grandfather Charles James Barton and his tiger hunts.

Charles served in the Bombay Artillery during the middle years of the Nineteenth Century, and eventually became a Major General.  These stories were probably amongst the very first stories that fired up my abiding interest in India.

 

Lieutenant Charles Barton circa 1850

Very recently and quite by chance, I stumbled upon another account by a fellow East India Company officer, William Johnson, which although does not refer to the same incident, confirms Charles Barton’s involvement in tiger hunting, and a hair raising incident when a tiger came very close to killing him.

The first story recounts how Charles would hire an elephant and mahout, on which to go out into the jungle to flush out tigers. On one occasion he spotted a tiger in the long grass, at which he shot with his musket. He must have ether missed or failed kill it, for the tiger instantly sprang up onto the howdah situated on the elephants back, and had plunged its teeth into Charles arm, attempting to pull him from the elephants back.

At his point Charles is supposed to have shouted "Drop me Sir!".

Which apparently is what the startled tiger did!

Where upon Charles was able pick up his second rifle, with which he dispatched the animal.

Commanding as he did an Artillery Battery, he must presumably have developed a fairly commanding voice, with which to pass on orders. It must have been a terrifying moment.

With the passing of time, we had no idea where these events had taken place, but by great good fortune I may have stumbled across the answer,

A description of another tiger shooting incident involving Charles Barton in about 1853 is contained in a book written by a brother officer serving in the Guzerat Irregular Horse who was stationed also stationed in Ahmadabad.

This rare book based on letters and journals kept by William Johnson have recently been republished by Leonaur Ltd.

Johnson devotes many pages of his journals to hunting expeditions, and to a modern reader these often seem like wilful slaughter of wildlife that is sadly absent today.

He describes how with his brother officers, Harington Bulkley, Gordon Cumming, Leeson, Babington, Seward and Whitehill starting in October 1851 they would set off on expeditions into the hills and forests surrounding Ahmadabad to hunt and to track down and kill wild boar, tigers and tanthers.

These animals would frequently endure being shot many times before they were dead, and many fought back savagely often wounding beaters, and even jumping onto the backs and heads of elephants used to push through the forests.

The dilemma for hunter’s who had wounded a tiger or panther but had not killed it, was that it would become even more dangerous for the villagers, on whose behalf many of these hunts were undertaken.

The wounded animals had to be tracked into their refuges.

“There was once marked down for me in a small patch of bushes a large panther, which I knew to be very severely wounded, and I thought disabled. I took my rifle — a handy, double barrelled Lancaster – and walked towards the bushes. When I was within forty yards, he came out at me so quickly that I had but just time to put up my rifle, and fire both barrels as quick as I could. Most fortunately one bullet entered just above the left eye, and came out behind the ear, somewhat confusing him, but not in the least checking his speed He knocked me over, and bit and clawed me severely.


Some of my men of the Guzerat Irregular Horse behaved very well, and, attacking him, drove him off me with their swords and carbines; we killed him at last, but I had a very narrow escape.”

Johnson, whose leg had been ripped open from top to bottom, wrote this account in a letter to his mother (who lived in Enborne in Berkshire) who was understandably worried.

Johnson’s answering letter, can hardly have provided much reassurance to his mother, but provides me with another priceless glimpse into my great great grandfather’s life.

“You seem to have been in a great state of alarm about my accident, which I am sorry for. I think I told you I was nearly all right, and there was no cause to be anxious about it, although it was lucky it was no worse; and in one respect I dare say it is a good thing, as now, perhaps, it will be a warning to take better protection next time. Young Barton, of the Artillery, has been wounded much in the same way, but he was more mauled than I was; the tiger took him up and shook him, and knocked his head against the rocks; but he is a tough little chap, and is all right again now.


Graham, who was close to him at the time, fell off the same rock down below without a gun, and had the satisfaction of looking on, expecting his turn would come next, and soon as the brute caught his eye he came at him, but luckily missed him.” [1]

I have managed to establish that there was only one Barton in the Bombay Artillery at this time, and that Charles Barton was at that time Quarter Master & Interpreter to the Headquarters of 4th Battalion Bombay Foot Artillery based at Ahmadabad according to the Bombay Calendar for 1851.

While many of his generation of artillery officers had the most adventurous of careers, particularly during the Indian Mutiny, Charles seems to have taken part in few if any actual battles.

His main role was that of a staff officer. Perhaps his qualification as interpreter in three languages, Hindustani, Mahratta and Gujarati set him apart from the other artillery officers who rarely had this qualification for even one language, let alone three at this time.

He appears in Johnson’s Journal for a second time, and on this occasion they are on an expedition after some robbers.

“I hate this country quite as much as ever, and rather more, if possible. I can’t make a residence out of England. I want to see some healthy-looking faces again; I feel as if even that would do me good. We are all of us on a wild-goose chase after some murders, about eighty or a hundred miles off, and we are going to try to put salt on their tails; but I am afraid they are quite sure to get news of our whereabouts, an bolt before we get near them. We shall get a lot of snipe, and perhaps have a run after a pig.”

His history doesn’t recall if they ever got the murderers, but it does record Charles Barton getting a wild boar.

Pig Sticking in Bombay Presidency 1856.[2]

Describing a pig sticking outing Johnson writes:

"we were all close up at the first spear, which was taken by one Barton, who thoroughly deserved it, for he rides magnificently. I never saw a man ride a pig so perfectly as he does. He belongs to the Artillery, rather short and stoutly made, and rides an Arab Galloway, one of the cleverest animals I suppose that was ever foaled. It is a treat to see a man go across country in the way he does."[3]

Several small artefacts from his life in India survive to this day.

One a small envelope, which contains several elephant’s hairs, labelled

"Elephants hairs, sent from India by my brother Charles".

We like to think they are from the same elephant in the first story, but of course at this remove we shall never know.

Charles had several sons who went on later to settle in America where Charles Barton had brought a house at Virginia Beach following his retirement.

These families preserved a tiger skin until well into the 20^th Century as well as one of his rifles.

Charles Barton's Rifle.

[1] Page 29, John Company's Cavalryman, from the letters & journals of William Johnson re-published recently by Leonaur Ltd. http://www.leonaur.com

[2]"A pig-sticking scene," from the Illustrated London News, 1856. from http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00routesdata/1800_1899/britishrule/hunting/hunting.html

[3] Page 31, John Company's Cavalryman.

Photos of Bombay in 1857

Figure 1. The Esplanade, Bombay 1857.
Please click on this image and later ones for larger images.

The following photographs of Bombay were taken either by, or for Captain Charles Barton of the Bombay Artillery.

Charles had been serving with the Expeditionary Force which had landed in Persia in 1856. While on that expedition, he or one of his colleagues had acquired a camera.

The expeditionary force started to leave Persia in May 1857 to return to India. It is not clear on which of the ships Charles and his fellow officers came back on, but it is probable that these photos were taken between June and December 1857.

The first photo suggests that the returning troops were at first unable to find room in the barracks or hotels in Bombay, so that they had set up camps inside gardens of bungalows along the Esplanade. The two tents are identical to those in the photo taken of his camp at Bushire earlier that year.

Figure 2. The Adelphi Hotel Bombay. Dec 1857.
This hotel is believed to have been at Byculla.

The expeditionary force returned to India expecting to move into Cantonments where they could recuperate after a long and gruelling campaign in the heat and the dust of the Gulf.

As the first ships pulled into Bombay they were greeted with the news that the Bengal Presidency Army had mutinied, and that it was very probable that the Bombay Army might do so at any moment.

Figure 3. Temple at the Byculla Station Bombay.
This temple was close to the Adelphi Hotel shown above.

General Havelock, the expeditionary force commander. and the European Regiments were almost immediately re-embarked on steamers for the voyage to Calcutta, where Havelock was to take over command of the relief forces moving inland up the Ganges.

It must have been a time of extraordinary fear and tension.

Charles Barton at this time was a staff officer working with several batteries and he seems to have spent several weeks and possibly longer in Bombay. During this time most of the balance of the troops returned from Persia were moving up the Ghats and inland towards Ahmednugger.

It appears likely that by December 1857 Charles had moved into the Adelphi Hotel. He had married Elizabeth Birch in November 1854, and it appears from the locations where her children were born that she was living at Ahmednuggur at this time. Nuggur was of course highly exposed in the event of the mutiny spreading, and he was on the coast.

Their third daughter Lily was born on July 27th 1858 "at our house at Nuggur", when Charles was away with the expeditionary force, and it is quite probable that the upheavals of the Mutiny period contributed to her death on the 31st of July 1859. It appears that it was some kind of epidemic that carried her off, because Emily, her younger sister born on 19th July 1859 died on the 6th of August 1859, just a week after her elder sister.

It is possible that Charles move from a camp on the sea front to the Adelphi Hotel was because his wife had come down from Nuggur to avoid the danger of her being attacked in Nuggur.

Figure 4. Captain Charles James Barton.

While in Bombay, Charles who had been born on the 22nd of April 1827 at Matoonga near Bombay took the opportunity to visit locations formerly lived in by his parents.

Charles father, Captain James Barton had also been a Bombay Artillery Officer. In May 1822 he had married Eliza Hawkins, and Charles was their fourth child.

Shortly after Charles was born, his father had become Agent for Gunpowder and Superintendent of Factory, on the 1st of October 1827, a post which he held until the 19th of May 1829 when he died at Matoonga.

James was buried in the church at Matoonga, and his fellow officers put up a plaque to his memory. I have no idea if the church survives, and I would be very grateful if anybody can tell if it is still there.

Charles and his widowed mother returned to Britain, where he was brought up. Much later in his will, Charles would write of being tortured throughout his adult life by having no idea of what his father had looked like. He left strict instructions that pictures should be passed on to his youngest children to avoid this happening to them. Which probably accounts both for the existence of the following pictures as Charles visits the former home of his parents.

Figure 5. The Old Artillery Mess, Matoonga Bombay, Dec 1857.

This building is quite possibly where his father had lived and worked. Does it survive today?

Figure 6. The Old Fives Courts, Matoongha Bombay. Dec 1857.

Did his father play Fives?

I used to play it without much enthusiasm at my school. I wonder, if I might have tried harder, if I had known my great great great grandfather had played it too?

Figure 7. Pattinars, Bombay. 1857.

Bombay was a much smaller place in 1857 than it is today. Much of present day Bombay was under water in 1857. Here are a number of Indian trading vessels laid up at low water. I would be very grateful to any body with good local knowledge of Bombay who could help me locate where these pictures were taken. Sadly, I have never been to Mumbai, but it is one of the places I would like to visit, although, I expect all traces of these buildings must have gone by now.

Figure 8. A map of Bombay in 1846 showing the location of Matoonga
towards the north east tip of the island..

Figure 9. The Woodstacks Bombay 1857.

Where this was taken, or why he had this picture taken, I can only puzzle at today, but presumably there must have been hundreds of similar stacks in Bombay in those days.

Ahmednagar and the Commencement of the Central India Campaign in the Indian Mutiny.

Captain John Dobree Woollcombe, (1822-1875)
4th Battalion 2nd Company Bombay Artillery in 1858. [1]
Please click on image for a larger version.

If asked to recall a single event from the history of the British presence in India, the vast majority of people would respond with "the Indian Mutiny," and therefore for anybody like myself who had a great great grandfather who was present in India with the East India Company Army, at this time it is inevitable that I should wonder what his role must have been?

In the case of my great great grandfather Lieutenant Charles James Barton, this has proved to be very long and difficult search, because he doesn't appear to have been in any of the major campaigns, and he doesn't appear in any account that I can find so far that would link him to any of these events.

We know from Spring's list of Bombay Artillery Officers [2] that as a Lieutenant Charles Barton had been Adjutant of the 1st Battalion, Bombay Foot Artillery since the 6th of January 1853, and that he would remain so until he was promoted to Captain on the 26th August 1859 shortly after the end of the Mutiny.

However despite the lack of any written evidence that he took any active part in the campaign, it would appear from some surviving photos that have passed down in our family that he was probably involved in the Central India Campaign under Sir Hugh Rose.

Otherwise it is hard to account for the inclusion of quite so many of these photos in his albums.

The following is an attempt to piece together the accounts of Sir Hugh Rose's campaign and to place in context some of these photos which include many of the officers like Captain Woollcombe who are present in the albums and who played such important roles in these events.

For troops of the Bombay Army, the Indian Mutiny became a reality on the 9th of June 1857, when the 14th Light Dragoons were ordered by Major General Woodburn to leave Kirkee, a cantonment just north of Poona or Pune as it is called today. The Regiment was under orders to march to Ahmednuggur, or as it is known today, Ahmednagar.

Two days later the Dragoons who were a regiment recruited in Britain, were joined on their march by the 25th Bombay Native Infantry under Major Follett. There was an uneasy tension as the Dragoons wondered, as probably did the infantry battalion's officers, whether this regiment would go over to the mutineers as so many of the Bengal Armies units had done.

On the following day the force passed through Seroor the weather broke.

"On the third day of the march of our small Force, the monsoon burst in full strength over us, just as we left Seeroor, and by the time our halting-place was reached the darkness and rain were thick and heavy, the black cotton soil was knee-deep in mud, so that the horses could not be kept at their pickets, and dashed about in the darkness like so many wild ones; and the mea whose tents and baggage had not arrived, got shelter as they best could, and, soaked through cloak and tunic, hailed the daylight, and order to march again, with something like satisfaction. Thus, battling with rain and mud, with the worst of carriage for our baggage, which had to be dragged over the worst of roads, and in the worst of seasons, for as yet rebel leaders had not taught us the value of animal transport, and limited baggage, we reached Ahmednugger. The Brigadier here was importuned by Civilians on all sides to send troops."[3]

"Sally Port & Bridge at Ahmednuggar Fort 1857."
Please click on this and subsequent images for a larger version.

Troops were being assembled as fast as possible from the widely separated cantonments across the Deccan. This was leaving many civilians and administrators highly exposed if the insurgents became any more successful.

"On the 19th of June Captain H. O. Mayne arrived, with the ladies and children, from Aurungabad, and with such other tidings as induced the Major-General to march at once on that station; our force having the very acceptable reinforcement of the 4th Battalion 2d Company Bombay Artillery, manned by Europeans and commanded by Major Woolcombe, C.B. The roads were vile, and the Godavery river girth deep, but we did not stay to pitch our tents, and merely halted to feed. and give the Infantry and horses rest. The men were so overpowered by sleep that we halted from 11 p.m. till 3 a.m., on the road side, near Dygaon. Here, lining the road, the whole Force was to be seen fast asleep, without the slightest shelter, and the rain pouring steadily down on them."[4]

"Mrs Woollcombe, 1857."

I have to presume that Mrs Woollcombe had been living with her husband in his garrison when the mutiny had begun, and it must have been an extremely anxious moment for them both, when he and his battery received orders to move out.

It appears that she may have remained in Ahmednuggur when her husband moved off with his unit. It is probable that the town was a refuge for many soldiers and officers wives.

The town appears to have been reinforced in the days and weeks after the town was re-taken by Major General Woodburn's force, and then was used to support the campaign as it moved inland.

On the following morning the troops set out to capture and punish the first mutineers that they had encountered so far. These mutineers had already left the town and barracks.

At 10 A.M. on the morning of the 23rd, we reached our destination, and were joined by Captain Abbott and other officers. of the Contingent, who had remained in the mess-house with those officers and men of the 1st Regiment of Cavalry who were trustworthy,. and it was with the faithless of these corps that we had to deal. They were encamped on high ground beyond the cantonment on the Jaulna road'. Our column proceeded there,. and formed up, the Battery with 25th Regiment in square on its right flank, one squadron of Dragoons. on its left, the remaining squadron in its rear. The Major General and Staff now proceeded to the front,. and ordered the men of the Contingent to parade, which for the most part they did, and mild measures were resorted to to induce them to return to their allegiance. Many did so, but one native officer, seeing so many going against his cause, summarily ended the affair by discharging his pistol at Captain Abbott, which brought a shot in return. Neither of the missiles took effect, though but a few paces separated officer and trooper. The Brigadier now gave the order to open fire, and pour grape upon the troopers, who had all flown to their horses, ready saddled, in the lines; but unluckily the guns each had a nine-pounder shot in them, and these had first to be shot out, and now the mutineers were in full flight, and the 14th Dragoons were ordered to pursue. Captain Gall led his Troop after those escaping by the Jaulna road, and Captain Barrett followed the few who took the open country, Captain Abbott and some loyal sowars joining in pursuit. Few were overtaken, the tired horses of the Regulars, so heavily laden, being unable to catch the fresh, lightly-mounted cattle of the mutineers. I have no doubt Brigadier Woodburn was led to believe that the men simply required a little pacification, and they would return to. their duty. In order to prevent any disturbance in the Cantonment among the Native Infantry and Artillery, two guns, two Companies of the 25th Regiment, some Madras Sappers and Miners, and Dragoons, all under command of Lieutenant Leith,were judiciously placed near the bridge over the river leading to the Cavalry lines.

"The new barracks Ahmednuggur, 1857."

As was to be the case in so many other places in India at that time little time or mercy was shown towards the mutineers.

This affair having been disposed of, and the prisoners marched into Camp, Courts Martial immediately commenced. The first prisoner tried was Meer Fider Ali, who attempted to prove an alibi, but the following day the whole of the troops in the station, including the Contingent, were paraded to see him hanged. This was done by placing him on a cart, which, after the adjustment of the noose, was driven from beneath him, and the whole Force present were marched past that they might have an uninterrupted view.

The Fort at Ahmednagar from Google Earth.

As soon as the town had been secured, the expeditionary force set off into the interior in an attempt to secure treasure from it's being lost to the mutineers.

That evening a Squadron of the 14th Dragoons, two of Woolcombe's. guns, two of the Nizam's, as well as some Contingent and Bombay Native Infantry,. all under command of Captain Gall, marched at dusk on Boldana in Berar, as there was a large sum of money in the treasury there, guarded by a troop of this mutinous corps of the Nizam's.

The town then became a base for further operations and I believe that it was as part of the reinforcements that poured into the area that Lieutenant Barton arrived in the town. It is quite possible that he became responsible for running the arsenal at Ahmednagar, which is shown in the following photograph.

"Arsenal Nuggur."

It is probable that when he first arrived at Ahmednagar that he was living in the building illustrated in the following photograph that appears to be a converted tomb or possibly temple.

Does this building still survive?

What was its former purpose?

"Adjutant's Qrs. N. I. Lines, Nuggur."

However it appears that his wife and children may have joined him a little later in the year, because the following bungalow became their home.

"Porch of our house at Nuggur 1857."

The cantonment would no doubt have struck a modern soldier as being rather basic, but it did at least have a library, in another converted building.

"Station Library Ahmednuggur Fort."

The cantonment also had a purpose built church where no doubt many soldiers wives prayed especially fervently for the safe return of their husbands away fighting the insurgents.

"Church Nuggur."

It appears that the security situation must have become safe enough for the officers and wives to start visiting local monuments and beauty spots by January 1858, because amongst the photos are several of Happy Valley.

"Salabut Khan's Tomb near Nuggar 1857"

I would love to hear from anybody who can tell me if these buildings still survive. What are they called today? What was their history?

"Aringaum, Nuggur"

Is this a tomb, or perhaps a Serai?

"Fevrah Bagh, Nuggur."

Picnics were a favourite family activity for officers and their wives, and must have helped to relieve the tension and anxiety of the previous months when they can often have wondered if they were not to suffer the same fate as those other officers and their families at places like Meerut and Cawnpur.

"Happy Valley No 3 EGH"

I have no idea who took the photos, and so while it is possible that Charles Barton took them himself, it is probably more likely that there was a photographer active in the town during 1857.

Could this photographer had a name with the initials EGH?

The same initials appear elsewhere in the album.

"The Happy Valley near Nuggur Janry 1858. No 2. EGH"


"Happy Valley No 4."

Is this valley still a popular resort today?

How far is it from the town itself?

If you have found this blog post and you come from Ahmednagar, I would love to see photos of these locations today, and it would be great if it were possible to locate where they were taken in the town.

If you are aware of any further sources of information on the activities of the Bombay Artillery at this time that can fill in the gaps in my knowledge, I would also very much like to hear from you.

[1] Colonel F.W,H. Spring, The Bombay Artillery List of Officers who have served in the Regiment of Bombay Artillery, Publ 1902. Page 95 has a short summary of Woollcombe's career.
[2] Spring, page 99.
[3]John Henry Sylvester, Recollections of the Campaign in Malwa and Central India under Major General Sir Hugh Rose. Published 1860.
[4] Sylvester. Page 4.

War with Persia, 1856 and 1857. Introduction.

EGH Town of Bushire, 1856-57.

A wind tower can be seen in the centre of the photograph. These clever devices use the daily occurring on and offshore winds to draw cool air through the house below. To the right of the photo can be seen the Flag Pole over the British Legation. From this it is possible to establish that the photo was taken from the south of the city, looking due north towards the anchorage.
Please click on image for larger version. Photo courtesy of Mr & Mrs A. Barton.

With scarcely a day going by when Iran and its nuclear programme does not feature in our newspapers and media, it is perhaps worth reflecting that this situation is nothing new.

What follows is an account of an earlier political struggle with Iran that turned into a fierce little war. As is the case today, Persia in the 19th Century was a proud and ancient nation, situated at a strategic cross roads in a very volatile part of the World. It found itself under pressure from the military Super Power of the day.

My interest in this campaign stems from the discovery of a photograph album that belonged to my Great Great Grandfather Charles James Barton, an officer in the Bombay Artillery containing a number of pictures taken during this campaign.

With the recent advent of Google Books and the re-publication of several accounts from the period it is now possible to put together a narrative to describe the campaign, using these photos to illustrate these events.

A map showing the political and military situation in 1856.

Please click on the image for a larger version. [1]

With the ending of the Napoleonic Wars, Britain and Russia had been left with experienced armies, and with no real rivals to keep them in check as they both developed their Empires in the East. Russia had expanded its territories to the south east towards the Caspian Seas and towards Bokara and Samarkand.

The East India Company was at the same time steadily absorbing the Punjab and much of what is now Pakistan. This forward expansion by the European's into Asia had been a bloody experience for all concerned, as small professional armies came up against strong local forces made up of tribal warriors with centuries of experience in fighting guerilla warfare.

Some of these Asian and Caucasian nations like the Afghans, Sikhs and Georgians where able to inflict serious defeats on the European's.

However by 1855, the remaining independent states of Afghanistan and Persia found themselves under pressure from both Russia and Britain, to come within their respective spheres of influence. The Crimean War was being fought out between the Russian's and the British, French and Turks around the Black Sea and in the eastern parts of the Ottoman Empire which added to the tensions in the region.

Both Britain and Russia were engaged in what has since become known as the Great Game.

Embassies and military missions, in towns like Kars, Tabriz, Teheran, Herat, Meshad and Kabul were increasingly occupied by competing diplomats, soldiers and adventurers from Britain and Russian, bent on increasing their respective countries dominance over these strategic centres.

The existing rulers of Persia, led by the Shah, and Afghanistan by Dost Mahomed Khan tried their best to play off the two European Super Powers, to gain time and support in their own internal power struggles, and in those with their neighbours.

Nether ruler entirely controlled their respective territories, so that Dost Mahomed Khan's nephew Syed Mahomed Khan was able to rest much of Kandahar and the west of modern Afghanistan away from his uncles control, and Herat had become a kind of no man's land between Persia and Afghanistan, ruled by Syed Mahomed Khan.

Throughout the early 1850's the British representative in Teheran Colonel Sheil, appears to have maintained a difficult balance between representing his national interests in Persia, whilst at the same time maintaining dialogue with the Shah and his representatives.

Reading the British correspondence, which seem through modern eyes, very overbearing and which must have been highly offensive to the Persian's, it is perhaps surprising that relations had not broken down earlier.[2]

As in many wars, the final breakdown in relations between the countries came over a side issue, rather than because of the major grievances that had been building up over the previous decade.

On the 15th of June 1854 Meeza Hashem Khan was appointed as Persian Secretary to the British mission at Teheran. He was a thirty year old member of the Nooree tribe, and he was married to a member of the Shah's family. This appointment caused great offence to the Shah and his advisers, possibly because Meeza Hashem Khan was in far too a good a position to advise the British about the internal workings of the court. Perhaps he was seen as threat to the Shah. The appointment became a diplomatic incident involving the British Government in London, and nether side wanted to back down.

A compromise was suggested by the British whereby Meeza Hashem Khan would be appointed as British Agent at Shiraz. However on the 6th of November 1855, the Persian Government told Mr. Murray the new British representative in Teheran, that if Meeza Hashem Khan set out for Shiraz he would be detained. Shortly afterwards Meerza Hashem Khan's wife was seized and detained. Mr. Murray at once demanded this ladies release, threatening to take down the Missions flag and to break off friendly relations.

Sadr Azim the Persian prime minister then stated that the reason Murray and Thomson were trying to get Meeza Hashem Khan's wife released was because they had been having an affair with her. He claimed that when the mission had gone into summer camp in the mountains above Tehran, with the Shah and his government, they had camped in the same village, and had been seen together.

The Persian's then commenced a campaign to whip up local public indignation. Sadr Azim drew up a petition against Murray and the Khan family which was sent around the Mullah's to receive their seals. However the Chief priest Imaum o' Joomah refused to sign as he said he had no knowledge of the truth of its contents.

Relationships broke down completely, and the mission was withdrawn. In November 1855 Kars fell to Russia, and sensing that the British who were still fighting Russia in the Crimea would be unable to prevent their taking Herat, the Persian army set off for the city, which they took.

As far back as January 1853 Colonel Shiel had advised that in the event of Persia attacking Herat, the best practical option for Britain was to capture Bushire on the Persia Gulf, and to hold it as a bargaining counter, until such time as Persia could be pressured into giving up Herat.

The British had several motives for this approach. The first was that they feared that if a Russian dominated Persia took Herat it would open up the route to the Bolan and Khyber Pass to the Russian's.

It was feared that Russia could bring an army to the Punjab or Sindh.

Britain however also wanted control of Bushire because it offered a better port than Basra, which was Britain's main base at the head of the Gulf. Kharg Island had particularly good fresh water, and was easily defensible with a small force against attacks, unlike Basra which was easily approached by land.

Throughout the summer of 1856 Persian missions to London, and to Constantinople attempted to negotiate a resolution to the impasse.

In Constantinople the British team was led by Lord Stratford de Redcliffe. He presented Ferokh Khan an ultimatum on the 17th of October demanding that Herat be evacuated, which Ferokh Khan signed consenting to the Persian's evacuating Herat.

Herat had finally fallen to the Persian force on the 25th of October 1856. On the 25th of November Mr. Murray struck his flag at Teheran by the 5th of December 1856 he had travelled out of Persia and onto Baghdad.

Ferokh Khan, known today as Faruk Khan Nadar.[3]

The British seemed determined to push further and they demanded the dismissal of Sadr Azim the Persian Prime Minister. A proclamation of war was issued by the Governor General of India on the 1st of November 1856.




[1] Thomson Map of 1814. Courtesy of Wikimedia. http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Persia_1814.jpg
[2] Capt. G.H. Hunt, Outram & Havelock's Persian Campaign. Published 1857, re-published by The Naval & Military Press Ltd. 2009, pages 140 to 186.
[3] From http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Faruk_Khan_Nadar.jpg

Informal Group at Karachi in 1866

Mrs Brab 1866, this is known to be the wife of Brabazon Pottinger, because she also appears in the following photo.




Left to right, Miss Sealey, Thornhill, Mrs Nicholetts, Spring, Alfred Pottinger, Mrs Brab Pottinger, - Mrs Sealy.



Spring, Barton, Griffith, Mrs Canfield{?}, Brab Pottinger, Mrs Do., Mrs Dende, Jenner, Myers, Miss Faithful, Thornhill.

These photos come from a private collection originally put together by my great great grandfather Charles James Barton, Bombay Artillery, & Royal Artillery.

They were almost certainly taken in Karachi, where Captain Barton was stationed with his battery.

Hill Fort of Mhowle or Mahuli

Hill Fort of Mhowle Drawn by Captn. Barton and Lithographed by R Ackermann.
Please click on image for a larger version.

The lithograph is one of a number made from drawings by James Barton my great great great grandfather, a Captain in the Bombay Artillery between 1811 and 1827.

James Barton who originated from Manchester, had sailed out to India from Portsmouth shortly after 12th January 1811. Arriving in Bombay shortly before the 8th of June 1811, he was appointed as a Lieutenant Fireworker on the 8th of June 1811, and was promoted again on the following day to Lieutenant.

It is not clear when the drawing that Ackermann subsequently turned into the lithograph was completed.

James Barton was however on active service in this region of the Konkan during 1818 at the height of the Mahratta War.

Following the war he married Eliza Georgiana Hawkins on the May 22^nd 1821 at Bombay Cathedral. During the 1880's Eliza wrote an account of her life which said..

“I continued to reside with Catherine until in May 1821, I married Captn James Barton, who was Brigade Major in the East India Company’s Artillery. We were married in Bombay Cathedral, & went to live in Seroor, where my Husband held his appointment.We lived there very comfortably."

It is quite possible that the drawings were done in the course of their journey or possibly honeymoon while on their way together to Seroor.

Mrs James Barton, dressed in her best Muslin dress

I have never been to this region of India, and I would be fascinated to learn where he had been camped. What does this mountain look like today?

I do not know the route he was taking, but there was a route past the fort that was sufficiently important during the 1820's for it to appear in a guide book published in 1826. This perhaps provides a clue as to the location of the camp.

From "Itinerary and directory for Western India: being a collection of routes ..." by John Clunes published in 1826.

It is interesting to try to fit the route given above with Google Earth images.

Kalian, is now called Kalyan. If however you type Kalyan into Google Earth it takes you to a location at 19 degs 16' 23.32" N 73 degs 08' 13.16" E, which is a grassy bank on the Ulhas River a couple of miles upstream of a major unnamed city shown at 19 degs 14' 30.21"N 73 degs 07' 19.28" E which appears to be Kalyan, and which appears to fit mapping produced in the 1950's much better than the position given by Google Earth.

The second location given in the itinerary Titwalla is spelt Titvala today.

A marked up copy of a 1950's American map of the Konkan, showing the approximate route given in John Clune's itinerary from 1826. Please click on the image for a larger map. [1]

If you measure the modern direct route to Titvala via Ambivli, it comes out at only 7 miles, where Clunes says 9.7 miles. Interestingly however if you followed the modern NH 222 to the point where it crosses the Ulhas River, and then strike off towards Titvala the distance comes out at 9.7 miles.

Google Earth Image of the areas around Titwalla or Titvala.
Please click on image for larger version.

The most obvious ford of the Kalloo River, or Kalu River is the location shows at Titwalla Ford 1826, but the American military maps which were largely based on British military maps from the early 20th century show the ford at the alternative location I have marked. This alternative location certainly has a large gravel bank and is probably quite shallow. The actual ford used may of course have depended on the state of the river and rainfall at the time, as well as the determination of the party attempting to cross the river.

The itinerary goes on to a village called Ootnah. This name has gone, but there is a village marked at Utan on the 1950's map, and which clearly shows on Google Earth in about the right sort of location.

Route between Titwalla and Kooslah.
Please click on image for larger version.

As the itinerary clearly goes to Ootnah I have shown the probable route. The route traced follows a road that is still in use to this day, although as Kosle is neared it degenerates into little more than a cattle track, but this is often the case with routes whose importance is eclipsed by things like railways for new roads.

I have also marked an alternative route that could also have been used. The intinerary talks of "Through thin jungle... 3. 6 miles." The areas around Utan appear to be cultivated, and I can only presume that this has probably been the case for several centuries.

It is possible that this jungle was the area of tree covered hills shown on the photo. There are tracks across these hills, as well as several long linear features which I take to be natural features, possibly part of the Deccan Traps?

Are these lines caused by volcanic intrusions?



An image showing the two branches of the Batsee River. This river is nowadays called the Bhatsa River. Please click on image for larger version.

The description rather suggests that the 1820's route was somewhat to the east of the existing modern bridge. Close examination of Google Earth imagery shows several tracks down to the river from the village centre which may have moved over time.



Image of the route between the Batsee [Bhatsa] River and Assungaon [Asangaon]. Please click on image for larger version.

The route in the itinerary clearly goes onto towards the modern town of Asangaon, and it would be easy to presume that James Barton might have travelled that route as well.

However inspection of the following photo suggests that this was not the case.

Mahuli from Asangaon, a photo posted by Nature Knights on a blog called Trekmahuli, taken from the south. From comparison from of this photo and the original drawing it would appear that the drawing was either turned into a lithograph in reverse of the drawing was done from the northern slopes. [2]


The mountains either reversed or it looks very similar in profile from the north?

Did Ackermann's draughtsman, just prick the drawing through in reverse?

Have any of you been on the northern side of Mahuli?

Can you work out where James Barton camped?

The trekmahuli blog at http://trekmahuli.blogspot.com/ contains a good series of photos showing the roughness of the terrain that James was travelling through.

In some senses he was nearing the edge of the map. I have tried to match Clunes itinerary beyond Asangaon, and I am finding that I cannot match the 19th century names to places on modern maps.

Have I crossed an ethnic or language boundary? Which way was Clunes sending us?

Is this why I can't match it any further?

[1] From http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/ams/india/
[2] From http://trekmahuli.blogspot.com/

Lakes in Pune

During 1857 my great great grandfather was serving with the Bombay Artillery in the campaign against the Persian's at Bulshire at the head of the Gulf. He's sitting in the boat holding onto the pontoon in the picture above.

Somehow he came into contact with one of the very first cameras to be used in Asia.

We don't know if he operated it himself, or if he used the services of a professional photographer.

An album survives, and through it, it is possible to trace his route back to Bombay in India, and then up the Ghats to Poona, as he knew it.

In the course of researching the locations that these photos were taken, I have received a great deal of help from young Indian trekkers who spend there weekends scrambling up the very passes my ancestors campaigned over.



These same young trekkers are often very environmentally aware. They are trying to get the tree cover restored, and they are trying to halt the damage that is occurring to the lakes and rivers.

Amongst the sadiest of the recent bits of environmental damage being done, is that occuring to the lakes in Pune.



By chance, these lakes were one of Charles Barton's favourite recreational spots.

As the pictures show he used to row on the lakes.



Sadly these lakes are now much smaller and have been filled up in many cases.

These lakes were once a very important part of Pune's life.

Shouldn't they be protected?